In this exclusive interview, recently-ousted Tigray Interim President Getachew Reda discusses the events that led to his removal, the internal power struggles within the TPLF, and his beliefs about the future of Tigray, Ethiopia and the region.
by Interview by Jim Stenman with reporting by Bonface Orucho for bird story agency
Tigray is a mountainous region in northern Ethiopia, holding deep historical, cultural, economic and geopolitical significance.
The ‘birthplace of the ancient Aksumite civilization,’ according to National Geographic, this region is home to archaeological wonders like the towering obelisks of Aksum and the Church of St. Mary of Zion—reputedly the resting place of the Ark of the Covenant.
Just northeast lies Adwa, the historic battlefield where Ethiopia’s forces triumphed over Italian colonial troops in 1896.
As the northernmost regional state in Ethiopia, the area is highly strategic, bordering both Eritrea and Sudan, making it a key player in the Horn of Africa’s complex geopolitical landscape.
The region is also a potential economic powerhouse thanks to its mineral wealth. Omna Tigray, a global advocacy group, reports that Tigray once supplied up to 2,600 kg of gold annually to Ethiopia’s central bank, generating over US$100 million in export revenue. Beyond gold, its rich deposits of gemstones, copper, granite, and petroleum shales signal immense untapped potential.
However, the scars of a 2020–2022 civil war remain raw. The conflict between Tigrayan forces, Ethiopia’s federal government, and Eritrean troops claimed an estimated 600,000 lives, displaced millions, and left a trail of human rights atrocities, according to Human Rights Watch.
The Pretoria Agreement, signed in late 2022, was meant to end the bloodshed and pave the way for reconstruction and stability. However, internal divisions within the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) have fueled a new crisis.
In March 2025, those divisions saw the surprise ousting of Tigray’s interim regional administrator, Getachew Reda, exposing deep fractures within the party and raising fears of renewed conflict.
The “coup” in the TPLF has not only left Tigray politically unstable but also strained relations with Ethiopia’s federal government.
Getachew, however, insists that he is still technically in charge—continuing to sign official documents and oversee administrative affairs from abroad. He also plans to return to Ethiopia shortly but has expressed deep concerns for his personal safety in Tigray.
bird story agency contributor Jim Stenman caught up with Getachew Reda in Dubai, where he has been receiving medical treatment. In this exclusive interview, the politician discusses the events that led to his removal, the internal power struggles within the TPLF, and why he believes succession remains a pressing issue.
This interview has been edited for length and clarity.
How are you coming to terms with what’s transpired in recent weeks?
The past two years have been a rollercoaster. My hope was that the Pretoria Agreement (Ethiopia–Tigray peace accord) would help put the past to rest and focus on rehabilitation, reconstruction, and the return of displaced people, in line with the peace treaty.
It was meant to restore social services like education and healthcare as the destruction from the civil war has been immense. Unfortunately, much time has been wasted on infighting within the TPLF leadership.
It’s tragic because my party is responsible for the continued suffering of the Tigrayan people.
When did you realise your time as President of Tigray was over?
From the start, I knew collaboration would be tough, if not impossible. As an outlier among the five party leaders, I wasn’t part of the armed struggle tradition. I hoped my colleagues would accept that TPLF could no longer monopolise power.
Instead, they sabotaged both the Pretoria Agreement and Tigray’s interim administration. Eight or nine months in, it was clear they were focused solely on consolidating their control, sidelining anyone who questioned them.
They branded me a sellout for working with the federal government, which was part of my role as interim leader under Ethiopia’s constitution. Ironically, the same individuals accusing me of being too soft on Addis Ababa were secretly engaging with the federal government. The real issue was that I refused to take orders from them. I was open to alternative voices, willing to take responsibility, and push for a new political reality, but they clung to the old ways.
Do you blame your downfall on the failure to fully implement the Pretoria Agreement?
It’s more than that. Some within the TPLF leadership were never comfortable with signing the peace deal, which made it impossible to work together and move the implementation forward.
A significant part of the senior leadership — those in charge during the war — felt Pretoria stripped the TPLF of its monopoly on power. Despite the devastation of the war — including the loss of hundreds of thousands of lives, mostly women and children — some in the leadership were more concerned with maintaining their grip on power than securing Tigray’s future.
The divide was between those who saw Pretoria as a necessary step to protect the people of Tigray and those who viewed it as a betrayal.
The faction that ousted you claimed you prioritized the interests of the federal government over that of ordinary Tigrayans. How do you respond to that?
It’s hypocrisy. TPLF leaders like party chairman Debretsion Gebremichael met the Prime Minister as often as I did — yet they accuse me of doing the federal government’s bidding. That speaks volumes about their integrity.
Is the regional leadership your rivals seek truly compatible with a strong federal government?
I was part of the TPLF leadership when it was in the federal government from 1991 to 2019, though I joined late. TPLF’s belief in a strong federal government was always tied to its own dominance in Addis Ababa.
As long as they controlled the center, they could dictate to the regions. But once they lost that grip, they found themselves facing the same struggles others had when TPLF was in power. Many in the leadership still operate under the illusion that they control Addis Ababa. They’re out of touch with reality. If things continue this way, even a secessionist movement shouldn’t be ruled out.
Are you in favor of such an approach and what should be the priority now?
If push comes to shove, secession is an option that can’t be dismissed. But I’m also a realist. Just because I want something for Tigray doesn’t mean it will happen.
The return of internally displaced people. The faction that ousted me hasn’t even called for elections or addressed (how) displacement should be prioritized. Otherwise, their focus is purely on regaining power, not on the well-being of the people.
You’ve accused your rivals of colluding with Eritrea. What evidence do you have?
Eritrea is manipulating them. I was the one who initiated talks with Eritrea in the early days of the interim administration — not to appease them, but to protect Tigray from being used as a pawn in regional conflicts.
Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki was alarmed by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s rhetoric about access to the Red Sea. He assumed Abiy wasn’t pushing for disarmament in Tigray because he wanted to use Tigrayan forces against Eritrea.
I had to reassure Eritrea that we wouldn’t be anyone’s tool. But Eritrea also had its own agenda — using disgruntled TPLF elements to undermine the Ethiopian government. That’s unacceptable.
How do you view the nature of Ethiopia’s relationship with Eritrea today?
Even in 2018, when normalization was announced, I doubted it would last. Isaias saw Abiy as an ambitious but easily influenced leader he could manipulate, while Abiy believed close ties with Eritrea served his own goals.
But given Isaias’s track record, it was only a matter of time before things unraveled. Some say Isaias has always sought to dismantle TPLF. Whether or not that’s true, there’s little love lost between Addis Ababa and Asmara these days.
The Pretoria Agreement didn’t include Eritrea as a signatory, and its troops, which fought in support of Ethiopia’s federal government, never fully left Tigray. Did that doom the deal from the start?
The Ethiopian government bears responsibility for that. Pretoria required non-Ethiopian forces to leave, but enforcing that was the federal government’s job, not mine. Eritrean presence was always the elephant in the room.
How do you read Eritrea’s possible deal with Saudi Arabia for investments in the Port of Assab on the Red Sea, which Ethiopia is trying to gain access to?
I’m not privy to the details, but it follows a familiar pattern. In this region, when facing a potential threat, leaders look to the other side of the Red Sea for support. Isaias is likely trying to pull the Saudis into his geopolitical game. Others in the Gulf might follow suit.
Finally, what’s your biggest hope for Tigray’s future?
The best-case scenario is for whoever leads next to work closely with the federal government, implement the Pretoria Agreement, return displaced people, and hold elections. That’s the only true path to a legitimate regional government.
The TPLF’s old leadership — those responsible for the current crisis— need to accept that their time is over. The same thinking that led us here won’t solve Tigray’s problems. The future should be shaped by the younger generation — those who fought because they believed in Tigray’s survival.
Young leaders in their 20s and 30s deserve the chance to chart a new course. It’s time to let go of the past. Tigray’s future shouldn’t be dictated by those who led it into disaster.
bird story agency
Jim Stenman is a Swedish-Ethiopian journalist. He has worked as a producer for CNN International in Europe and the Gulf, and reported for Reuters, the BBC, and Politico.
